Link

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Time to stop and think about schools "choice"

I have previously written about debates on education in India (link) and the push by the economic liberals (some of who also side with social right wing, who side with economic liberals) for “schools choice” as a means to solving India’s poor record in primary education. The economic liberals like to make the case for choice and believe that the state should be out of delivery, which should be the left to the market, and instead provide cash transfers or school vouchers, which can be redeemed by the economically lower classes in any private school. Thus, they try to prove that they are better (morally and managerially) at addressing the issue of education, a key component of development.

The “choice” debate often invokes the example of social democratic states that have “reformed” and have embraced the “choice” logic. Choice is often proposed in various forms: school vouchers, parents setting up and managing schools, which is in turn funded by the state. This is often used as an argument to further delegitimise any role for the state in education and instead open up social and cultural spaces to be governed by markets. Sweden has often been cited as an example of choice over public education (for e.g., see Heartland Institute, a libertarian organisation; report by BBC).

A report by The Guardian, UK (link) based on an investigation by BBC’s Newsnight (here) throws a spanner in the works. Per Thulberg, director general of the Swedish National Agency for Education argued in the Newsnight report that overall education standards had fallen at the same time since the introduction of the new schools. “We can’t say the introduction of new schools had led to better results,” stated Thulberg. He also stated that children that did well in these schools was to do with their backgrounds. “They came from well educated families,” he stated.

In the developing world, votaries of economic liberalism are pushing for “reforms” in education based on hunch and an argument that on the face of it looks very persuasive. But scratch beneath the surface and you find that it is the elites who benefit from reforms in education. As the Newsnight’s Liz MacKean reported, the Conservatives (in the UK) are now struggling to defend their enthusiasm for this program, which they announced as a key educational reform they would introduce if they came to power. The Conservatives, now state in private that the enthusiasm was “based on a hunch”.

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a) Could you elaborate on the terms “mean world” and “just world” beliefs.

“MEAN WORLD BELIEFS” also have been termed “persecution beliefs” and refer generally to the belief akin to, “Others are out to get me.” The idea here is simply that the world is a mean place.

“Just world beliefs” involve the notion that the world is a just place — that is, that individuals ultimately are punished for their wrongs,  and/or that there exists a sort of fundamental fairness in human interaction.

b) What is the relationship of these two belief systems to audience and media and the discourse of media, terrorists, establishment, and human rights advocates?

WELL, THAT IS a pretty broad question. I think to some extent, the more violence one sees in the news media, the more one should tend to think that the world is a pretty mean place — This would not, however, disqualify the presence of just world beliefs if the conflicts depicted lead to some sort of just resolution. For example, if one sees a lot of news coverage of violent crime, one might believe that the general tendency in the population is towards criminal behavior. Yet, if such coverage is balanced by coverage of perpetrators being caught and punished for their actions, one also could come to believe that humans also are just. I’m not sure that answers your question, so perhaps a more specific follow up is warranted.

c) How could your research into audience identification with violent news media inform say the 3-day long coverage of the 26 Nov, 2008 attacks in Mumbai? The siege of the hotels was covered by Indian television media and there was considerable public anger as a result of that. Some of it led to demands that Pakistan be attacked. You comments and feedback.

I THINK SUCH INTENSIVE coverage of that kind of an event easily can lead to a sort of persistent, nagging belief — generalization — that anyone who is identified with the perpetrators is a bad person as well. This is exactly the sort of thing we saw in the US after the 9/11 attacks with respect to the treatment of the Arab-American population. The media coverage can easily reinforce any latent stereotypes already held, and help to generate new biases in thinking.

d) Do you think there is a case of shaping (or manipulation of) public opinion through media (either by terrorists or hardline establishment figures) to fit their aggression-oriented world view to solving many problems, for example Kashmir and Palestine.

I THINK THE HISTORY of political propaganda is pretty clear in that public opinion can be shaped by media messages. It is how one rallies a population to a cause, e.g., Nazi Germany. The new media – internet, texting, etc – make it a lot cheaper and easier for hard-line, fringe groups to get their messages across.

e) How do you nuance the argument that there is a causal relationship between media and violence or say sex.

WITH RESPECT TO MEDIA VIOLENCE AND REAL-LIFE VIOLENCE, this argument needs no nuance. The evidence from decades of experimental and longitudinal research is quite clear: Exposing individuals to violent media increases the likelihood that they will engage in aggressive behavior. The links are not so clear with respect to sex.

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We are looking for help to recruit the best possible female candidate in your area who fulfils the following criteria:

• 18-25 years of age
• Basic fluency in English
• Proficient with computers and internet use
• Strong interest in video production
• Strong interest in community development
• Potential to become a leader in her area

• Candidates from low-income or disadvantaged backgrounds encouraged

More Information:A video camera will be provided at no charge for the duration of participation in the study, after which it would need to be returned.The candidate would be paid a stipend of about 3000 rupees per month to compensate for time spent participating in the project (estimated to be up to one week per month).The duration of the candidate’s involvement in this project is nine months between December 2009 and August 2010, post a two-week training period in Goa in November 2009. All expenses will be covered for the candidate to attend the training in Goa. She will be required to research, script and shoot video clips for a 2-5 minute video per month about her perspective on community development issues, such as health, the environment and the local economy. These video clips would need to be sent to us via the internet and we would then edit and publish the video clips on the WAVE website. We request your organization to collaborate with the WAVE project in these ways

• Forward this recruitment email to your organization’s email contact list.
• Post the attached flyer in your office and any other public areas.
• Direct any questions about the WAVE project to our team (see contact info below).
• Allow computer and internet use for the winning candidate during the nine month program.

We feel that the high standards of video training and the nine-month experience while participating in this project will empower the candidate to successfully assist with any communication, documentation or other media needs of your organization in the future. We hope that your organization will also serve as caretakers of the video camera provided to the candidate, which may be used for your organization’s needs when not in use by the candidate. We would also like to extend an invitation to the media training workshop in Goa in November, taught by India’s leading documentary filmmakers, to one staff person from your organization to attend for no charge (We will provide accommodation in Goa if your organization can bear travel expenses to and from Goa).

We are attaching a flyer and application form to this email look forward to hearing from you about helping us in this innovative national program for women’s empowerment through online media!

Best,

Sapna Shahani and Angana Jhaveri

Contact Information: 09819829310/ womenaloud@gmail.com *This material is based on work supported by John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation under prime grant no. 08-91858-000-HCD and The Regents of the University of California. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation or The Regents of the University of California.

Flyer [PDF File, 128 KB. Opens in Google Docs]

Application form [MS Word File, 32 KB. Opens in Google Docs]

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We request the reversal of the Research Councils and HEFCE policy to direct funds to projects whose outcomes are determined to have a significant ‘impact’. The arts and humanities do have such an impact, but it is typically difficult if not impossible to judge this in the short-term. Academic excellence is the best predictor of impact in the longer term, and it is on academic excellence alone that research should be judged. ‘Users’ who are not academic experts are not fit to judge the academic excellence of research any more than employers are fit to mark student essays. The UK is renowned for its creative industries. But the roots of creativity in the intellectual life of the nation need sustained support and evaluations based on short-term impact will lead to less impact in the long-term. We also request the abandonment of plans to merge subject panels based on spurious claims of disciplinary and methodological similarities. Merging panels in most cases would undermine both methodological integrity and disciplinary identities and undermine the world class research that the UK currently produces (link).

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1. Zizek Talk at University of Leeds

“That’s ideology today. We don’t believe in democracy—nobody. You make fun of it and so on, but somehow we act as if it works. It’s a very strange situation, because there are—some of us old enough still remember them, old days when the public face of power was dignity, belief. And privately you mocked it, you made fun, and so on, no? Now we are, I think, approaching a very strange state, where the public face of power is becoming more and more openly indecent, obscene. Look at Sarkozy in France. Look at Berlusconi in Italy, who is systematically undermining, for over five years now, the minimum of dignity of the state power.”

Link to video on Democracy Now! (here)

Part 1

Part 2

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Does urbanisation address the impact of the caste tradition

The Hindu social order (its caste system) contradicts the universal human rights framework and in the land of its origins a legal framework that abolishes caste-based discrimination has not deterred this ancient social order from the everyday life of Indians. Thus untouchability[i] continues to govern social behavior of many high caste Hindus. Upper caste Hindus, liberal or otherwise, deny the true extent of the role of caste in Indian social and economic imagination and refuse to confront this issue. A typical liberal tendency, which is also intertwined by an unwavering faith in the market to correct this evil, is to cite urban centres as sites of social equalisation. It is often pointed out by liberals that caste is nonexistent in urban centres. This assessment is based on the simplistic deduction that people share urban spaces without regard for caste. This leads to the general belief that industrialisation and urbanisation are solutions to this problem. While it may be conceded that urbanisation offers opportunities to lower the salience of caste in human interaction, it is nevertheless important to cast a sideways glance before we move in the path of urbanisation.

On May 3, 2008 an upper caste landlord brutally assaulted a Delhi university research scholar who hid her lower caste identity to secure accommodation (Sengupta:2008). This is only a subjective violence, which barely hides the systemic violence of the Hindu social order[ii]. Upper caste Hindus largely socialize with upper and middle class Indians and it is not very difficult to imagine the caste (and religious) identity of upper and middle class Indians. It is a fact that in India low-caste households and tribal minorities suffer disproportionately from poverty (Kijima:2006). A Princeton University study found that lower caste Hindus (easily differentiated by their surnames) were less likely to find jobs than upper caste Hindus. The researchers sent 4808 identical resumes with upper caste and lower caste Hindu names to for 548 graduate level openings with blue chip Indian and multinational companies to arrive at their conclusions.  Or take the case of Sukhbir Singh Badhal, a post-graduate at the prestigious All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) Delhi. Though a Dalit, he topped the selection exam for a coveted post in lab medicine under the general category. The post was given to the individual who stood second, an upper caste Hindu. The problem runs so deep that the perpetuators of this injustice – the AIIMS administration – overruled the orders of the dean of academics to award the residency to Badhal. An investigating committee headed by Sukhdeo Thorat uncovered discrimination against lower caste staff and students running rife and deep throughout the AIIMS. And Badhal’s case was only the tip of the iceberg. As the committee investigated further, caste discrimination was found to be a systemic problem that was traced up the director of AIIMS, P Venugopal, a Brahmin. So deep it was that the committee had to meet the victims in secret to record their evidence (Mitta:2007).

So we witness two levels of discrimination: a) one of the crude medieval nature that can be found in many B-cities and the rural areas where identification on the basis of caste is much easier and opportunities for social mobility and transgression due to industrialization are limited; b) and of the modern nature that, like racism, has morphed into newer sophisticated forms in the urban space.

Having demolished liberal claims of urbanisation and industrialisation as the solution to the caste problems, we need to look elsewhere; a travel through the expanse of the country reveals discrimination that would sadden any conscientious and enlightened individual. A peek into India’s post-colonial history offers fascinating insights this issue. The Indian constitution was drafted (1947-48) at the same time as the UN Declaration on Human rights (1948). The “Fundamental Rights” and “Directive Principles” of the constitution mirror the UN declaration and were framed to secure justice for all and protect all citizens from discrimination, with specific provisions for the lower castes. The constitution entrusts the state with the responsibility of promotion with “special care the educational and economic interest of the scheduled castes/tribes and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation”.

The Indian state appears to have launched many initiatives and laws so that the socially repressed have equality and access to justice. This includes abolishment of “untouchability” (1955); enactment of “Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955”; the Scheduled Castes/Tribes Prevention of Atrocities Act (1989). We must remember here that periodic review of law was necessitated as the normal provisions of the Indian Panel Code had been found to be inadequate to provide safeguards to SC/ST against several crimes. In the economic, educational and political spheres provisions have been made through reservations and representation to improve access and participation of the socially repressed.

Against this legal framework, we have to examine the concept of human rights under the Hindu social order. The Hindu social order is exclusionary in its very nature. Bearing arms, literacy and theology, and mercantile activities are divided amongst the uppermost castes with the priestly class considered the “purest” and “enlightened” followed by the ruling/warrior castes and then the mercantile castes; the farmers, artisans, and other assorted labour form the bulk of the middle castes; while the lowest of the castes perform the menial and “dirty” work not touched even by the middle castes. Through the system of purity, they came to be the “untouchables”. They are not just socially excluded, but physically live outside the boundaries of “normal” Hindus. The Hindu social order does not recognize the individual but the closed social groups whose mobility, vertically or horizontally, is controlled through marriage (or its prevention). Thus the caste identity one is born into cannot be transgressed. This gradation serves to protect the economic and legal interests of the dominant castes.

So we witness two levels of discrimination: a) one of the crude medieval nature that can be found in many B-cities and the rural areas where identification on the basis of caste is much easier and opportunities for social mobility and transgression due to industrialization are limited; b) and of the modern nature that, like racism, has morphed into newer sophisticated forms in the urban space. Sukhdeo Thorat’s paper in the Economic and Political Weekly “Oppression and Denial: Dalit Discrimination in the 1990s” (2002) is a very good exposition of discrimination against Dalits.

The double whammy of the Dalits is that neither the ancient systems nor the modern system of secular nationalism, which gave birth to the post-colonial India, are useful to understand and deal with the Dalit problem. While it is easier to mock the primitiveness of discrimination in rural India, one has to deal with the persistence of the caste logic in urban centres. Newspapers and the internet are meant to be symbols of democracy, participation, and modernism. However, in India, the newspapers and the internet have given us the “casteist” matrimonial ads, where individuals seek partners on the basis of caste. Just check out the classified pages of any Indian newspaper or the popular Indian matrimony website Shaadi.com.

Into this social mix we also have to throw in the rise of the distinctly upper caste Bharatiya Janata Party, which is an offshoot of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The party owes its meteoric rise to two fundamentalist Hindu parties the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). All these political outfits are out to challenge and change the liberal and emancipator project of the Indian constitution by promulgating “Hindutva”, or Hindu nationalism. When we examine the historical character and makeup of Hinduism, the problem is apparent to see. None of these parties have offered a reformation of the caste system or a modernity of Hinduism. Instead, their agenda is one of transforming the dalits into good “sanskritised” Hindus.  Since the fall of the Babri masjid on December 6, 1992, Hindu right wing nationalism has emerged as a leading political voice. This has given rise the latent discrimination amongst the educated and the globalised classes, thanks to India’s economic reforms.

The success of the Hindutva political parties in acquiring executive power (1996, 1998-99, 1999-2004) led to the emergence of the rise of the saffronised educated and upper-caste elites in India as well as the country’s diaspora abroad. Hindu nationalist leaders and parties in the United States have been emerging in the public sphere in the United States as the representatives of all Hindu Americans (Kurien:2006). Whether in the UK or the US upper caste Hindus define the notion of Indians, very much like the radical Islamists who define Islam (Kepel:1997). It is ironic that the colonial notion of viewing the colonized countries, such as India, as homogenous groups that served as the bedrock for multiculturalist policies. These in turn promoted the development of religio-ethnic nationalism among immigrants and resulted in such groups taking a leadership position within the community. So whether it is the upper caste Hindus in the US or the upper caste Hindus and Sikhs in the UK, what is considered Hinduism or Sikhism is defined by an elite group that is clever enough to figure out the levers of power in the west.

The picture painted so far does not mean that the Dalit lacks agency. Despite the oppression from the dominant Hindu classes, the Dalits have emerged as a powerful political force. Dr B Ambedkar had laid the foundation for a Dalit consciousness, but in an ironical twist the very same casteist structure that kept the Dalits out of social membership and citizenship has helped them to short circuit Hindu nationalism.  As the historians Christophe Jaffrelot, Rajni Kothai, and D.L Shethe have argued, the Dalits have refused to be part of either the project of “secular nationalism” or “Hindu nationalism”. As evidenced by the AIIMS cases as well as the Hindutva project, both are faces of the same coin. From the time of Ambedkar, Dalits have refused to be co-opted into the binaries of nationalism vs colonialism and secularism vs communalism.

The writings of Kancha Ilaiah (Why I am not a Hindu), the verses of Meena Kandaswamy, the grassroots tribal agitations against capitalist and bourgeoisie notions of development are examples of the Dalit enlightenment and resistance against a homogenizing force. You will not find a chest-thumping nationalist Dalit. It is not the secularists but the Dalits who have and hold the potential to halt the march of the Hindu nationalists. And it is in their imagination that perhaps lies the potential for a radical third way that transgresses the national, the communal, and the neo-liberal in favour of a universal based on the notion of fraternity, solidarity, justice, and universal emancipation. They are speaking. And after centuries of refusal to hear, it is time we shut up and listen instead for a change.

References

Indian American Public Education Advisory Council. 2006. “Section VI: Timeline of the Hindutva California Textbook Campaign and the Academic/Indian American Community’s Response.” Accessed Feb. 21, 2006 at: http://indiantruth.com.

Kepel, Gilles. 1997. Allah in the West: Islamic Movements in America and Europe. Stanford University Press.

Kijima, Yoko (2006) “Caste and Tribe Inequality: Evidence from India, 1983–1999” Economic Development and Cultural Change, 54:369–404, January

Kurien, Prema A (2006) “Multiculturalism and “American” Religion: The Case of Hindu Indian Americans” Social Forces, Vol. 85, No. 2 (Dec), pp. 723-741

Lal, Vinay. 1999. “The Politics of History on the Internet: Cyber-Diasporic Hinduism and the North American Hindu Diaspora.” Diaspora 8:137-72.

Mitta, Manoj (2007) “Diagnosis: Casteism” Times of India, 13 May, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2039283.cms

Omvedt, Gail (1995) Dalit Visions: The Anti-Caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity, Orient Longman, New Delhi.

Pradhan, Atul Chandra (1986) The Emergence of the Depressed Classes, Bookland International, Bhubaneswar.

Ram, Nandu (1995) Beyond Ambedkar: Essays on Dalits in India, Har Anand Publications, New Delhi.

Sengupta, Ananya (2008) “A Dalit student in Delhi? Hide your surname” The Telegraph, May 6, Page 1

Thorat, Sukhadeo (2002) “Oppression and Denial: Dalit Discrimination in the 1990s” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 6 (Feb. 9-15), pp. 572-578

Zelliot, E (2001) From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on Ambedkar Movement, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi.

Zizek, Slavoj (2008) Violence: Six Sideways reflections London: Profile

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